Polish scholar shares insights into conflict and compromise
Janusz Grzelak delivers the inaugural talk in the new Provost's Distinguished Visiting Scholars Lecture Series.
UDaily is produced by Communications and Marketing
The Academy Building
105 East Main Street
University of Delaware
Newark, DE 19716 • USA
Phone: (302) 831-2792
email: ocm@udel.edu
www.udel.edu/ocm

8:18 a.m., Sept. 25, 2009----Janusz Grzelak, professor of psychology at the University of Warsaw in Poland, delivered the inaugural talk in the Provost's Distinguished Visiting Scholars Lecture Series at the University of Delaware on Wednesday, Sept. 23.

THIS STORY
Email E-mail
Delicious Print
Twitter

His lecture, “The End of Communism in Central and Eastern Europe: Antagonism, Negotiation, and Compromise in Poland,” provided a psychologist's view of the political scene in Poland during the half-century from 1944 to 1989.

Known as not only a scholar and political activist but also a humanitarian, Grzelak played an important role in the Solidarity movement of the 1970s and 1980s, as well as in the ensuing Round Table Talks, which led to the democratization of Poland and the subsequent fall of Communism throughout Europe. The negotiations demonstrated to the world that social change can be effected without violence and social justice can be achieved peacefully, even when the parties involved are ideologically polarized.

In describing the political and social climate characterizing the Communist regime of the post-war period, Grzelak pointed to the two faces of Communism -- propaganda and reality.

While the propagandist view was one of “all power to the people,” equality, and freedom of speech, the reality was an environment of censorship and repression, where some people were “more equal” than others.

Even in Poland, where freedom was less curtailed than in the other Soviet Bloc countries, mass protests against the government began in the 1950s. Initially fragmented, they solidified over the next two decades. “By 1980,” said Grzelak, “countrywide protests were underway. At that point, it was not just for teachers or coal workers or bus drivers, but for all members of society.”

One important thing to note about Poland throughout the period of unrest, according to Grzelak, was that people wanted change, but most of the time they were not ready to take strong actions against the system. Social peace and security were the dominant values in the culture. As a result, while the period was marked by the formation of free trade unions, the establishment of an underground press, and the delivery of illegal lectures, the activities were largely nonviolent.

“Many of the actions were symbolic,” Grzelak said, “including things like lighting candles and wearing black.” Many people, opting for dark humor in the face of repression, clipped small resistors to their lapels as a symbol of their opposition to the government.

“These symbols were important,” Grzelak said, “because they made people feel that they were doing something.”

The Catholic Church also played an important role by supporting the opposition at a grassroots level, acting as a mediator, and symbolizing independence, dignity, and courage. “Pope John Paul II gave people hope that they could change things, and they started to believe that maybe it was true,” Grzelak said.

Thus, Poland was poised for a peaceful end to dissent, and in 1989, people started to talk to each other. “Both sides realized that they were strong enough to introduce changes only if they did it jointly,” Gzelak said.

The process was not easy, but Grzelak credits the success of the Round Table Talks to a number of factors, including a hierarchical structure, which enabled issues to be prioritized, as well as support by large numbers of people and input from lots of experts.

Dividing the table into “subtables” to separately address such issues as political, economic, and trade union reform was critical.

“Poland needed hundreds of reforms -- too many of them to talk about all at once,” said Grzelak. “We realized that when conflict seems too complex, almost intractable, good practice is to divide it into smaller elements, leading to small successes which build into larger ones.”

The talks were also covered by the media, with daily press conferences to keep people informed. “This was important,” said Grzelak, “because it showed some basis for trusting the representatives at the table and allowed people to feel that they were not being cheated or lied to.”

Finally, a set of rules to guide the process facilitated a good outcome. Equal treatment of both sides, an orientation toward the future, and an avoidance of confrontation helped overcome the basic psychological problem inherent in any situation where two sides come to the table as enemies.

“Conflict perception is a crucial factor,” Grzelak said. “Conflict is often perceived as a zero sum game, where I lose as much as you win. Our approach was to change this view and develop a cooperative perception, one in which all sides could win at least something.”

“Trust is one of the key concepts of the psychology of interpersonal and inter-group relations,” he continued, “because there's no sense in negotiating with someone you don't trust. Trust for us was facilitated by the fact that many of us had known each other for many years.”

The Round Table Talks resulted in the formation of the first post-Communist government in September 1989, including the legalization of independent trade unions, introduction of the office of president, and implementation of free elections.

Although the talks drew criticism, mostly from the right wing, Grzelak believes that the experience provided a good start to democracy in Poland.

However, he said, “Polish democracy would be in better shape if a cooperative approach and procedures were applied in everyday life among politicians who trust each other and come together to discuss things sensibly and reach a solution. But I'm sorry, it's not the case yet.”

For his work on the 1989 Polish Round Table negotiations, Grzelak shared the 2008 Morton Deutsch Award for Social Justice with Janusz Reykowski, who negotiated on behalf of the communist regime.

Article by Diane Kukich
Photo by Duane Perry

close