International Education Matters

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How the world turned against the U.S.
BILLY WIREMAN
Special to The Charlotte Observer
October 13, 2003

ROGUE NATION: American Unilateralism and the Failure of Good Intentions

By Clyde Prestowitz. Basic books. 324 pages. $26.

Early in "Rogue Nation," former Reagan trade representative Clyde Prestowitz, a self-proclaimed super-patriotic conservative, stated his mission: "To explain to baffled and hurt Americans why the world seems to be turning against them, and to show foreigners how they frequently misinterpret America's good intentions. While I will be giving a sober view of America, I do not aim to bash it."

Did he succeed? Here's the story:

Only yesterday, it seems, the world stood on the threshold of a bright new era. Following communism's 1989 fall, the first President Bush said "a kinder, gentler breeze is blowing." The half-century Cold War ended; triumphalism prevailed.

The 1991Gulf War victory fed the euphoria. "America," President Clinton declared in 1998, "is on the right side of history." This mood blossomed in the '90s. Markets boomed: In 2000 the NASDAQ reached 5,200. Chronic American deficits turned to a projected 10-year surplus of $5.6 trillion.

In November 2000, George W. Bush won the presidency. While campaigning he warned against "nation building."

The upbeat mood was shattered on Sept. 11, 2001. Worldwide empathy for America poured in. American embassies were buried in flowers. Russian President Vladimir Putin called within minutes. Paris newspaper Le Monde's headline spoke for the world: "We are all Americans."

Speaking to Congress on Sept. 20, Bush said, "Freedom is under attack." In a June 2002 speech, Bush introduced his updated vision for America: "Based on the nonnegotiable demands of human dignity, the rule of law, limits on state power, respect for women, private property, free speech, equal justice and religious tolerance we have a great opportunity to extend a just peace by replacing poverty, repression, and resentment with hope."

These are universal values. To achieve them, we reserve the right to "act pre-emptively" to a building threat.

Fast forward to spring 2003 and the "liberation" of Iraq. World opinion, especially in France, Germany, Russia and the Islamic countries, turned against America. Most Americans stood with Bush and largely still do, on toppling Saddam Hussein. The NASDAQ had plummeted to 1,500. Massive deficits resurfaced.

Prestowitz outlines America's challenge:

America's missionary zeal, often perceived as religiosity, is resented. Emerson described America as essentially a "religious experience." We were founded on freedom, individualism, opportunity and equality." We may differ vigorously, but few Americans doubt the validity of these ideas.

We are often criticized at home and abroad because:

• We have not reduced our dependence on fossil fuels.
• Much of the world sees "globalization as Americanization."
• By acting unilaterally, we ignore international treaties on arms, the environment, crime and the United Nations.
• We subsidize agriculture and steel to the chagrin of developing countries.
• Through its music, movies and fast food, America is seen as a "cultural imperialist."

• Formulate a strategy to embrace both "containment and economic globalization."
• Acknowledge that no absolute military security exists.
• Realize that despite our widely respected strengths, much of the world does not want to be like us.

One can quibble with Prestowitz on many points. But with clarity and objectivity he raises the right questions about America's new world role. That's a valuable contribution to a frequently partisan, bitter debate.

Billy O. Wireman is president emeritus of Queens University in Charlotte.

Permission granted by author, 10/14/03: